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Chronicles

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Stanford Internet Observatory researchers say Facebook and YouTube should not allow paid political ads from state-controlled media outlets

Vanessa Molter is a graduate research assistant at the Stanford Internet ObservatoryRenée DiResta is the research manager at the Stanford Internet Observatory.

Washington Post

Context & Ripple Effects

The Stanford Internet Observatory was barely a year old when Renée DiResta and Vanessa Molter published this recommendation — the lab Alex Stamos built with $5M in Craig Newmark funding was positioning itself as the outside voice on how platforms handle influence operations.

The op-ed lands mid-arc: within months Facebook would be demanding that NYU's Ad Observatory stop scraping political ads, and by 2024 the observatory itself would be winding down with no plans to study future elections. The recommendation is a snapshot of peak researcher leverage over platform ad policy.

First-order effects

  • Facebook and YouTube face a direct policy decision on paid political ads from state-controlled outlets, with DiResta and Molter supplying the public rationale for a ban.
  • State-backed media operations lose their most prominent argument for continued access to paid political advertising on the two largest platforms.

Second-order effects

  • The recommendation sharpens the platform–researcher relationship into a dependency: Facebook's subsequent move against the NYU Ad Observatory shows how quickly access for the researchers shaping these policies can be revoked.
  • Other platforms hosting political ads are pushed toward adopting or explaining away the same state-media distinction, since a two-platform ban sets the reference standard.

Third-order effects

  • If the pattern holds, political-ad governance migrates from regulators to a small set of platforms consulting an independent research community — one whose capacity is already contracting, as the observatory's wind-down and calls to regulate ad tech directly both indicate.

The trend: Platform political-ad policy is being set through pressure from university research labs rather than legislation, even as those labs' funding and access grow more fragile.

Discussion

  • @benthompson Ben Thompson on x
    Endorse. Disallowing Chinese government entities to spread misinformation on social media networks they don't allow in their own countries is an easy call. https://twitter.com/...
  • @larrydiamond @larrydiamond on x
    Social media companies must stop “allowing themselves to be used as a mouthpiece for Beijing.” Excellent op-ed from the Stanford Internet Observatory. As Chinese propaganda on covid-19 grows, U.S. social media must act - The Washington Post https://www.washingtonpost.com/ ...
  • @jsrailton John Scott-Railton on x
    Chinese propaganda is targeting Americans via paid adverts on social media. Good ideas: -don't allow FARA-registered outlets to pay for political ads -don't let ‘blue check’ official gov accounts block ppl. OpEd by: @vanessa_mol @noUpside & @alexstamos https://twitter.com/... htt…
  • @alexstamos Alex Stamos on x
    US tech companies are allowing Chinese state media to pay to spread their COVID propaganda. This is how we think they can put a stop to this. A WaPo opinion piece with @vanessa_molter and @noUpside. https://www.washingtonpost.com/ ...
  • @fsistanford FSI Stanford on x
    Facebook, Twitter and Google already search for and disable fake accounts run by foreign government-aligned orgs. But U.S. platforms should take additional steps to avoid being complicit in Beijing's propaganda, argue @vanessa_molter @noUpside @alexstamos https://www.washingtonpo…