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Chronicles

The story behind the story

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In class action lawsuit filed against Uber, Uber argues that the 9 women who allege sexual assault by drivers have no right to sue and must privately arbitrate

The Guardian Sam Levin

Context & Ripple Effects

Uber's arbitration playbook is well-worn: in 2015 its own attorney adversary filed a motion to block Uber's new driver agreement on grounds it was engineered to bypass an arbitration ruling, the same year Uber moved to kill drivers' employee-classification class action. What changed with this filing is the target — the clause machinery built against drivers is now being pointed at riders who allege sexual assault by drivers.

The move extends a litigation arc that began with a California rider suing Uber for failing to protect her from a driver later charged with rape. By arguing these nine women have no right to sue at all, Uber is testing whether its user agreements can route even violent-crime claims into confidential, one-by-one arbitration.

First-order effects

  • The nine plaintiffs are pushed out of federal court into individual private arbitrations — no jury, no public record, no consolidated class — while Uber avoids a trial where its background-check practices would be aired publicly.
  • Uber's legal team gains a template defense it can deploy against every future rider-assault claim, converting each case into a sealed, isolated proceeding.

Second-order effects

  • Competitive pressure forces a split: Lyft follows by dropping mandatory arbitration for sexual assault and harassment claims from riders, drivers, and employees — while keeping its ban on class actions — leaving Uber as the outlier still compelling survivors into arbitration.
  • Each forced arbitration raises the reputational cost of Uber's 'do the right thing' safety messaging, feeding the plaintiff-side pipeline that later swells into Uber defending more than 4,000 rider sexual-violence lawsuits.

Third-order effects

  • If the pattern holds, forced arbitration becomes untenable for violent-crime claims specifically: platforms concede carve-outs for assault while preserving class-action bans, keeping mass litigation fragmented and each settlement private.
  • Safety disputes push ride-hailing liability toward regulation and disclosure rather than contract fine print — the same background-check shortcuts Uber built for cheap, fast onboarding become discoverable evidence in thousands of individual cases.

The trend: Ride-hailing platforms' reliance on forced-arbitration clauses is collapsing under rider-safety litigation, with assault claims winning carve-outs while class actions stay blocked.

Discussion

  • @ekp Ellen K. Pao on x
    When I sued @kpcb, their lawyer also argued that arbitration was for my own good—again in a veiled threat of tearing me down in public litigation. Fuck that argument, fuck arbitration clauses, and fuck companies that use them for hiding bad behavior http://www.theguardian.com/...
  • @susanthesquark Susan Fowler on x
    Hey @dkhos: if Uber wants to prove they've changed, they should waive all past forced arbitration agreements and stop using them altogether. Hey @badassboz: if you're actually serious about making Uber better, you should make sure Uber puts an end to forced arbitration. http://tw…
  • @samtlevin Sam Levin on x
    Uber is forcing women who say they were sexually assaulted by drivers to resolve their claims behind closed doors rather than in court, a move that critics say silences victims and allows the company to hide rape cases from the public http://www.theguardian.com/...
  • @susanthesquark Susan Fowler on x
    And before any of you get all holier-than-thou and scoff at this awful thing Uber is doing, go take a look at your own employment agreements and see if you, too, force your employees to go through arbitration. Almost every company in the US does. And it needs to end. https://twit…